Schuylkill County In the Mexican War 1846-1848

General Winfield Scott

Schuylkill County in the Mexican
War.

In the year 1831 the United States concluded a treaty of commerce and navigation with Mexico. This was repeatedly violated by the Mexicans, who in numerous instances imprisoned Americans, seized their ships, and confiscated their goods. President Jackson, in a message to Congress in 1833, declared that the outrages of the Mexicans justified a declaration of war. Our government made repeated remonstrance’s to Mexico, but without any satisfactory results.

This action of the Mexicans caused a widespread feeling of dislike and hatred throughout the United States, and the Americans retaliated by assisting the Texans in their struggle for independence.

The friction between the two countries reached a climax when Texas applied for admission to the United States. For ten years previous it had been an independent state, and had been recognized as such by this country; but Mexico refused to acknowledge this to be a fact, and regarded Texas as a part of itself. So that the American Government well knew, that if Texas became a part of this country Mexico would regard it as an act of war, and hostilities would begin at once.

Nevertheless the majority of Congress, with President Polk and his Cabinet, resolved to fight. Their reasons were: First, a desire to acquire new and vast territories, and then to introduce slavery into those domains. Therefore on March 1st, 1845, Texas was admitted to our Union. After the Act was passed, but before it was ratified by the Texan convention, General Taylor was ordered to proceed with an army corps to Texas and prevent any invasion from Mexico. His force was called The Army of Occupation.

On October 16th, 1845, Taylor was directed to drive all Mexican troops beyond the Rio Grande; and finally on January I3th, 1846, was instructed to march to that river, and, if attacked by the Mexicans, to capture Matamoras and other places.
In obedience to this order General Taylor left Corpus Christi with his army March 2ist, 1846, and crossed the Colorado River, considered by the Mexicans to be the boundary of their republic. Mexico promptly declared war; and General Arista was ordered to attack the Americans at once.

War having begun, the United States Government made a requisition on Pennsylvania for two regiments of infantry. Therefore, in November, 1846, Governor Shunck issued a call for volunteers. This was responded to in Schuylkill County by the Washington Artillery of Pottsville, now Co. F., 4th Regiment National Guard of Pennsylvania.
The Company originated in the Independent Blues, organized in 1840. The command was reorganized as Heavy Artillery in 1842, and was thenceforth known as The Washington Artillery.


November 3Oth, 1846, the company was accepted to serve as infantry during the war; and ordered to report at Philadelphia. So on a cold snowy day, December 5th, 1846, the Artillery left for the seat of war. The command consisted of:

THE BOYS OF COMPANY B SCHUYLKILL'S MEXICAN WAR SOLDIERS
Muster Roll of Co. B, 1st Regt., Pa. Vols., War With Mexico
December 5, 1846

(From copy in possession of Col. Daniel Nagle, Pottsville, Pa.)

OFFICERS

Captain, James Nagle age 25 years, Pottsville
1st Lieut., Simon S. Nagle 25 "
2nd Lieut., Franklin B. Kaercher 25 "
3rd Lieut., Jacob Fellnagle, 20 "
1st Sergt., Edward Rehr, 32 "
2nd Sergt., William S. Nagle, 20 "
3rd Sergt., Edward Kaercher, 21 "
4th Sergt., J. L. McMicken, 24 "
1st Corporal, Enos Zentmyer, 25 "
2nd Corporal, David Llewellyn, 22 "
(On way to New Orleans)
3rd Corporal, J. Egbert Farnum, 23 "
4th Corporal, Edward W. Masson, 25 "
1st Musician, Daniel Nagle, Drummer, 18 "
2nd Musician, Reuben Stamm, Fifer, 23 "

PRIVATES

William C. Boland, Pottsville
Charles Scrimshaw, 23 "
Daniel Shappell, 36 "
Elias Shelly, 26 "
Emanuel Shelly, 26 "
A. H. Berger, "
Nelson Berger, "
Henry Smink, 27 "
George Seitzinger, 27 "
William Seitzinger, 40 "
John Stegner, 29 "

John Shuster, 22 "
(Discharged at Perote Castle, January 7th, 1847.)
Jacob W. Shoub, 22 "
Michael Sands, 22 "
(Left at New Orleans, January 15th, 1847.)
James Sands, 25 "
Robert H. Savage, 28 "
(Left at New Orleans, January 12th, 1847.)
Samuel Shadman, 22 "
Henry Fisher, 21 "
George W. Garrett, 24 "
John C. Gilman, 34 "
Thomas W. Guthrie, 21 "
(Discharged at Vera Cruz.)
Elias F. Hiney, 26 "
John Hays, 22 "
Peter Hass, 26 "
William H. Hatcheley, 25 "
John Jennings, 24 "
(Left at New Orleans, January 12th, 1847.)
Elias Kelly, 26 "
(Discharged at Vera Cruz, March 17, 1847.)
John Kepply, 28 "
Singleton Kimmel, 22 "
Michael Lust, 37 "
William Tyson, 24 "
Abel B. Macy, 28 "
Alexander McDonald, 22 "
Ferdinand Mammerank, 20 "

John Mooney age 21 years, Pottsville
(Left sick at Pittsburg, December 21st, 1846.)
John Myers, 21 "
Samuel McLaughlin, 35 "
(Discharged at Vera Cruz, April 2nd, 1847.)
Thomas Simpson, 18 "
(Left in Mexico.)
Robert F. Walter, 26 "
Gottloeb Wishue, 22 "
Robert Welsh, 22 "
William Wolfinger, 22 "
William Witecomb, 25 "
Owen D. Thomas, 29 "
Andrew Stamm, 20 "
John Douty, "
(Killed at San Angel, by Mexican Greaser in ambush.)
Joel Metz, "
James H. Ruckel, 23 "
David Jones, 22 "
(Discharged at Vera Cruz, April, 1847.)
Benjamin Shell, 20 "
Benjamin Smith, 20 "
(Died at Perote Castle, June 29th, 1847.)
Augustus H. Boyer, 21 "
Bernard Barr, 32 "
Valentine K. Mills, 30 "
(Died at Perote Castle, August 8th, 1847.)

William Merkle, age 25 years, Pottsville
(Killed by Mexican Greaser in ambush at San Angel, about August 1.)
Benjamin Nagle, 26 "
(Died at San Angel, Mexico.)
John M. Nolan, 24 "
Francis M. Wynkoop, 28 "
(Elected Colonel from the ranks at Pittsburg.)
Francis C. McGeen, 23 "
Henry Richards, 22 "
John Hand, 19 Philadelphia
Thomas W. Guthrie, 22 "
Henry Graeff, 26 "
(Died at Jalapa, Mexico.)
Patrick H. McElroy, 23 Pittsburg
(Left January 5, 1847, at New Orleans.)
Joshua Jenkins, 24 "
Thomas Quiddington, 42 "
John McCormick, 19 "
William Hines, 20 "
Thomas J. Gilpin,
Mahlon A. Fraser, age 25 years, New Orleans.
(Left at Vera Cruz, April 8th, 1847.)
William Knockhouse. age 22 years, Schuylkill Haven.
William H. Stackpole, age 21 years, Waynesburg.
Samuel Montgomery, age 22 years, Waynesburg.
(Died at Perote Castle, August 26th, 1847.)
James H. Ross, age 20 years, Waynesburg.
Levi Bright, age 30 years, Reading.
(Lost on march from Pueblo to Perote.)
Charles Seagraves, age 22 years, Reading.
George W. Hesser, aged 27 years, McVeytown.
Seth Price, age 26 years, Orwigsburg.
Edward Robins, age 21 years, Port Carbon.
Levi Essler.


Commissioned officers .............................................. 4
Musicians .......................................................... 2
Non-commissioned officers .......................................... 8
Private soldiers .................................................... 83
---
Total ....................................................... 97

Number of men enlisted in Pottsville ............................. 74
Number of enlisted outside of Pottsville, but in county ........ 10
Number enlisted outside of county along route to New Orleans ...... 13
---
Total ..................................................... 97


How The Boys From Schuylkill Would Have Looked
.

From Philadelphia the Artillery went by way of Harrisburg and Johnstown to Pittsburg. Here the regiment assembled; six companies from Philadelphia, two companies from Pittsburg, one company from Wilkes-Barre and one company from Pottsville.

Having been mustered in, an election of regimental officers was held. The Pottsville men made an agreement with the Wilkes-Barre and Pittsburg companies, that if Francis W. Wynkoop, serving as a private in their company, was elected colonel, instead of Captain William Small of Philadelphia, Black of the Pittsburg contingent
should be Lieutenant-Colonel, and Bowman of the Wilkes Barre command would be made Major. Wynkoop, therefore, became colonel.

The regiment was now uniformed, armed and equipped. It now became The First Regiment of Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, Col. Francis W. Wynkoop commanding, of the First Pennsylvania Brigade, General Robert Patterson commanding. The Washington Artillery standing on the roster as Co. B.

After leaving Pittsburg, the regiment passed down the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers to New Orleans, and encamped on Jackson's famous battle ground.
After staying ten days at New Orleans, the First Pennsylvania took ship and sailed on one of the most famous military expeditions that ever left the United States; grand in its conception, brilliant in its execution and far-reaching in its consequences.

The. army for the reduction of the City of Mexico rendezvoused at the island of Lobos. It was commanded by General Winfield Scott, and consisted of about twelve thousand men, instead of the twenty-five thousand recommended by General Taylor. and even for this small force Scott was obliged to requisition Taylor for some of his best regiments. Having assembled his army, General Scott now proceeds straight to the City of Vera Cruz.



Vera Cruz was a strongly fortified city on the Gulf of Mexico. It contained about five thousand people; was surrounded by stone walls, mounting one hundred guns, with an hundred more on other defences; and was further protected by the castle of San Juan d'Ulloa, mounting two hundred guns. The garrison numbered about five thousand men, commanded by General Morales.

Around the city stretched sandy arid expanses, broken by numerous sand hills of considerable height, and partly covered by chaparral, small gnarled trees, mingled with cactus. This extended in some places to the city walls.
The army landed in three divisions. First Division, General Worth; Second Division, General Patterson, including the First Pennsylvania; and Third Division, General Twiggs. Havingj landed, the troops bivouaced without any molestation from the enemy.
But next morning the Mexican guns opened fire, which continued with more or less vigor during the siege.

General Scott now proceeded to invest the city on the land side. A battery of two guns first opened a desultory fire to attract the enemy, and then the army moved. The First Pennsylvania took their line of march through a dense chaparral, along a narrow path in Indian file. The Mexicans, ambuscaded in the woods, began a sharp fire, but without much effect. Emerging from the forest, the regiment took a position on a high sand hill in full view of the city.

General Scott now occupied himself by inspecting the line. Approaching the First Pennsylvania and seeing that the men were much exposed to the fire of Fort Santiago, he ordered them to take cover and lie down; when a soldier replied: "Lay down yourself, General, or the Mexicans will presently knock you over." "No, sir," said Scott, "my duty requires me to be here, where I am. The President of the United States can make Generals every day, but he cannot make good soldiers."

The army now began to land siege guns, ammunition, supplies, and to construct batteries; the First Pennsylvania being principally engaged in the construction and equipment of what was known as the Navel Battery. This was located under cover of a thick forest of chaparral, so near the city that our men could at night hear the dogs bark in the streets of Vera Cruz. This battery was constructed of sand bags and armed with two 64 lb. and four 24 tb. guns.

When all was ready, the woods were cut down, and a United States artilleryman leaped on the parapet and waved the flag; falling dead the next moment. The battery at once began firing.

The bombardment of Vera Cruz began on March 22, 1847, the Mexicans firing with every gun they possessed and at times pouring a perfect tempest of shot and shell into the American batteries, but, owing to their bad marksmanship, not doing a very great amount of injury.

The American fire was terribly effective, and searched every part of the city; causing great destruction of life and property.

At last, after a brave defense, General Morales surrendered on March 27th, 1847, the garrison giving their parole not to serve during the war. On March 29th, the Mexicans marched out of the city and surrendered their guns to our army. All but the banner of Mexico. This a soldier tore from the pole and, placing it in his bosom, swore that he "would ever protect it, stand by it and defend it from falling into the hands of the enemy." He \vas allowed to keep the colors.

General Scott now sent a dispatch to Washington: "The flag of the United States of America floats triumphantly over the walls of this city and the castle of San Juan d'Ulloa."

General Scott was obliged to parole his prisoners, being absolutely without the means of providing for them. All through this campaign, the army was hampered by a lack of reinforcements and supplies of all kinds. The government's whole action to Scott's army was unwise, impolitic and unjust; the army being at times in an almost destitute condition. During the march to Cerro Gordo, there were no provisions, not even salt, and the soldiers subsisted on the wild cattle they shot along the line of march. This, and the poor pay, may have accounted for the numerous desertions during the war, much to the discredit of the army and resulting in some very strenuous hangings. Scott on one occasion having recaptured forty deserters, found in the service of the enemy, hung them all in one batch.


General Scott now formed his army into a compact body and, depending entirely on the courage and skill of his soldiers, plunged into the heart of a hostile country. When the Duke of Wellington heard of it, he said: "Scott is lost. His success has turned his head. He will never be heard of again."
Leaving Vera Cruz with the army, the Washington Artillery marched to the Plan del Rio; and, still continiting to advance, came face to face with the enemy at the Pass of Cerro Gordo.


The Pass of Cerro Gordo was a long, deep, narrow ravine between Vera Cruz and Jalapa. Around it extended rugged, almost inaccessible mountains. On each side were perpendicular rocks rising to a height of several hundred feet, and through it wound the National Road. Santa Anna's position on the left of the pass was one of great strength. On the right and left it was Impregnable, the front very difficult to storm, but in the rear it was inadequately protected.

Here were concentrated a force of fourteen thousand men and forty-three guns. The Mexican general did not suppose that the Americans would deliver a front and rear attack at the same time, and this is exactly what the Americans did do.
The United States engineers cut a road from a point of the National Road, below the Mexican position, over the hills to the right of the Pass, and, making a wide detour, circled around the enemy coming out at a point behind the town of Cerro Gordo,. so that a column of infantry and artillery could turn the Mexican's flank and assault them in the rear.

When all was ready, on the 17th of April, 1847, the column of Generals Worth, Twigs and Shields marched off to the right, over the new road; and Pillow's division, which included the First Pennsylvania, moved to the left to attack the enemy in front. The Division formed with First Pennsylvania leading, then First Tennessee, next Second Pennsylvania, and last Second Tennessee. Then, turning to the buglers, Col. Wynkoop said: "Play up Yankee Doodle!" and the division rushed forward to assault the Mexican line.

They were met by a perfect tornado of schrapnel and bullets. The sound of the bugles concentrated the whole fire of the enemy on them, and Yankee Doodle never had a warmer reception than at Cerro Gordo.

Still the division kept on until General Pillow, being wounded, left the field. General Patterson was nowhere to be found, and the troops came to a halt, as there was no one to give orders. The total destruction of the division was prevented by being partly protected by a hill and by the bad marksmanship of the Mexicans, owing to the fact that they fired from the hip instead of the shoulder. Col. Wynkoop sent several requests for permission to advance and charge, but received no reply. So the division held their ground while the bullets fell in showers and men dropped right and left. The whole division would in fact have been annihilated, had not the Mexicans suddenly ceased firing, and hoisted a white flag; for the troops of Worth, Shields and Twiggs had turned the enemy's flank; and, assaulting them in the rear, swept all before them, and compelled the Mexicans to surrender.

Part of the Mexican army laid down their arms. The rest retreated towards Jalapa. Hotly pursued by United States dragoons, the retreating Mexicans making a desperate resistance and the fight continuing as far as Jalapa, the road to that place being a charnel house. The dead laying in piles; and the highway covered with the wrecks of wagons and all the impedimenta of an army. Santa Anna took to his heels, leaving in his hurry his wooden leg behind him; also sixty thousand dollars, that he had begged, borrowed or stolen, to pay his troops.
The total loss of our army amounted to 434 killed and wounded; that of the Mexicans, 500. Our forces captured three thousand prisoners and forty-three guns; also six thousand stand of arms.
From Cerro Gordo, the army marched to Jalapa, and from there proceeded to the town of Perote. Here the First Pennsylvania was divided. Four companies, including the Washington Artillery, remained in garrison at the strong castle of Perote. The other six companies being sent to garrison the City of Pueblo. The rest of the army continued its march to the City of Mexico, which surrendered to our forces September 14th, 1847.
It was after the fall of the City of Mexico that the garrison of Perote was startled by news that Santa Anna with the remnant of the Mexican army had besieged Pueblo and was ordered to join General Lane's relief column,
Santa Anna besieged Pueblo with eight thousand men. The garrison consisted of six companies of First Pennsylvania, about three hundred strong. They occupied the San Jose quarter where the hospital of our army was located. The rest of the city was captured by the Mexicans who surrounded the garrison, cutting off their supplies. Then having erected batteries, opened a hot fire on the Americans. Every man was put on duty. All the invalids capable of bearing arms, took part in the defense. On the approach of Lane's column Santa Anna inarched to meet it, leaving Gen. Rial to prosecute the siege. This was done with great vigor. The Mexicans bombarding our troops, and making repeated assaults, which were repulsed after hard fighting. The garrison returning the fire of the enemy; and making numerous sorties, resulting in desperate fighting through the streets of the city.

When this force approached Huamantla, they saw the enemy in force near that place. Lane advanced to seize the town. The Mexicans did likewise, and both arrived there about the same time. Captain Walker with the Rangers dashed ahead of the column and penetrated to the plaza. Here he was attacked by a large force of Mexicans, and a desperate fight ensued, in which Captain_Walker was killed and his command driven back with heavy loss. A gun was now hurried to the plaza, and six men rushed ahead of the infantry to assist the gunners, one of them being Daniel Nagle, drummer of the Washington Artillery. Lane's main column now came up, and the enemy retreated. The American troops reached Puebla October 12th, 1847, and at once made a vigorous attack on the Mexicans. After a hot engagement, in which the Washington Artillery took part, the enemy was driven from the town and the siege raised.

The whole of the First Pennsylvania regiment now returned to Perote. Near the town of Atlexico they attacked a force of the enemy, and drove them some distance, the Mexicans retreating and fighting for seven miles. And this was the last battle qf the Washington Artillery in Mexico.

All through this war our army was obliged to contend with the guerillas. They surrounded our troops like a swarm of noxious insects, and it was dangerous for any one to leave our line of march even for a short time as the guerillas perpetrated every kind of outrage on the Americans. After the siege of Puebla, the First Penna. being on the way to Perote, one Levi Bright of the Washington Artillery left the column to rest by the road. He was warned of his danger; but paid no attention. The regiment passed on and he was never seen or heard of again.

From Perote the regiment was ordered to the City of Mexico; and while there, was presented with a handsome stand of colors by General Scott.
The command now went into garrison at the town of San Angel, remaining there until the conclusion of peace. The First Pennsylvania Infantry left Mexico from Vera Cruz, June 19th, 1848, and arrived in Philadelphia, July 24th, 1848, where the regiment disbanded.

By the treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo February 2nd, 1848, Mexico ceded to the United States the territories of New Mexico, Upper California and the disputed boundary of Texas, altogether 977,111 square miles. For this the United States paid Mexico $15,000,000, and further agreed to compensate those persons who had claims against Mexico, to the extent of $3,250,000.

The consequences of the war with Mexico were far reaching; and the end is not yet. The field of Buena Vista was the beginning of a world power. The guns at Vera Cruz were re-echoed at Manila Bay, and the march that began at Cerro Gordo, ended before the gates of Pekin.

A LETTER FROM A SCHUYLKILL BOY IN THE MEXICAN WAR

The following is a copy of a letter written by William Merkle,
July 16, 1847, to his mother, Mrs. Elizabeth Merkle, of Spring
Garden, Schuylkill Haven, several days before his death.
Col. Daniel Nagle says: William Merkle and John Douty went out
for a walk, one morning, beyond the picket line, when they were
shot by Mexican Greasers lying in ambush. Their bodies were
recovered and buried within the redoubts. (History of Merkles.)
The original is in the possession of his great nephew, Prof.
Bartolet, Instructor of Mathematics, Collegiate Institute, York,
Pa. The stamp bears the dare of November 5, 1847, Vera Cruz,
Mexico. Wm. Merkle was an uncle of W. M. Zerbey, deceased, of
Pottsville.



Castle of Revote, Mexico, July 16, 1847.

My Dear Mother: -

I am now in this castle, 36 miles from Jalapa, about 110 from
Vera Cruz, and more than 2,000 from you and my own dear home.
I am in good health, good spirits, and pleased with my companions.
Here we live on the best productions of Mexico, without work, and
permitted to enjoy ourselves as we most desire; and so long as we
enjoy health, no one could wish for more happiness. The building is
very large, the city of Revote a short mile distant, and the whole
country around is a level plain of cultivated land, bounded by
mountains of immense heighth, for their tops are always covered
with snow. Beef, pork, potatoes, onions, beans, peas, tomatoes,
etc., are very plenty, but very dear here.
We have had some hard fighting, but, thank God, I am yet
among the living, although in the midst of all the trials. On the
evening of the 21st of June, our company, with some others, left
here to relieve a train of wagons from Vera Cruz, and the next
morning at three oÕclock we routed our savage enemies at
Lavidia, about 16 miles from here. The Mexicans numbered about
500 -- our force about 300; but we routed and defeated them,
killing about 100 of them, without loss of a single man, although we
lost four horses.
We are now awaiting fresh orders, and expect to have another
engagement with more than 5,000 Mexicans who have fortified the
National Bridge, between here and Vera Cruz. When or whither
we go is uncertain.
The sick and wounded are dying very fast in our hospital. The
funerals average from 10 to 13 every day. We have only lost five
out of our company by death, but many by desertion and
discharge.
We are uncertain when peace will be agreed upon, or when
we will return home.
I have never received an answer to any of my letters home,
and you need not expect another until you write to
Your affectionate son,
William Merkle.

SCHUYLKILL COUNTIANS SHAKE THE HAND OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

OLIVER CHRISTIAN BOSBYSHELL.
Private Washington Artillery (Co. H, 25th Penna. Infantry) April 18, 1861; honorably discharged July 29, 1861.
Second Lieutenant 48th Penna. Infantry October 1, 1861; First Lieutenant May 5, 1862 ; Captain June 2, 1862 ; Major June 10, 1864 ; honorably mustered out October 1, 1864.
This article was taken from Pennsylvania MOLLUS
Major Oliver C. Bosbyshell

Military Essays and Recollections.
Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States

A Speech Given By Major Oliver C. Bosbyshell
Major Oliver Bosbyshell a Schuylkill Countian who shook the hand of Lincoln.

In the year 2012 we will mark the 150th anniversary of the start of the Civil War. As most civil war scholars know Schuylkill County had two of the first five companies to go to the defense of the Union on April 18, 1861. On that date Bosbyshell along with all the members of the five companies of First Defenders got to shake the hand of President Lincoln.
The two companies from Schuylkill County are The Washington Artillersits and the National Light Infantry. Bosbyshell was a member of the Washington Artillerists.

Oliver Bosbyshell was a member of the famed Washington Artillerists, one of the first companies to arrive in Washington on April 18, 1861.

For more information on Major Bosbyshell go to John Hoptak's Blog on the 48th P.V.I.
http://48thpennsylvania.blogspot.com


WHEN AND WHERE I SAW LINCOLN.




I was always interested in politics, long before I was a voter. My immediate surroundings and influences were strongly "native American." My initial presidential vote was cast in the Fall of '60, and it is very certain that I was deeply interested months before in the campaign. To have followed the leaning of those whose opinions I treasured, would have carried me into the ranks of the Bell and Everett Party, but as a young man with eyes wide open, watching the current of events, and with ears absorbing the new views sweeping over the country, I read and studied Mr. Lincoln's great speech delivered to young men in the Cooper Institute, New York City. That speech settled my views, and I became an ardent " wide awake," marching and shouting, night after night, through the valleys and over the hills and mountains of Schuylkill Co., Penna., whooping it up with all my might, with the banner of the irresistible Lincoln at the fore. That was a campaign, more like the war following it, than any of its successors, as broken heads, skinned faces and shins and bruised bodies from assaults of sticks and stones hurled by the enemy fully attested. Having carried the " wide awake " lamp through many dangers to elevate Lincoln to the Presidency, what more logical conclusion than at the first call of this great man for volunteers to resist an attempt to overthrow the Government, I should exchange my lamp for a musket and assist in the maintenance of the Government. What a stir that first call for 75,000 men made through the Nation ! It reverberated amidst the mountains of my old home and before its echoes died away, over two hundred men were marching through the streets of Pottsville in response, and as many more answered from Berks, Union and Lehigh. Mustered into the United States Service as volunteer soldiers of the Republic, at the Northern Central Railway Station in Harrisburg, on the morning of the 1Sth of April, 1861, 530 Peunsylvanians boarded cattle cars, hastily fitted up with rough board seats, and the journey to Washington began. It is needless to recite the thrilling march through the streets of Baltimore, where disloyal crowds heaped insults upon the heads of these men and hurled sticks and stones into their ranks. Suffice it to say, as the " shades of night were falling," these First Defenders arrived at the Capital. Under cover of the darkness, no doubt purposely intended, as the journey had been needlessly delayed, the men detrained and marched into the Capitol Building, where all were quartered. These Pennsylvanians arrived in the nick of time to frustrate designs about to be carried out that very night, in the seizure by those disloyal of many of the public buildings and government offices. Our own John W. Forney spread the news of this arrival through the corridors of Willard's Hotel, and being anxious to make the most of it added an additional naught to the sum, saying 5,000 Pennsylvania soldiers had arrived, when 500 was the figure, but the mantle of night had shielded the


First Defenders Medal

arrival, so that numbers could not be known. The good old Washington Artillerists were quartered in the rooms from which the ladies' gallery of the Senate chamber was entered, and here, that same evening, April 18th, 1861, came President Abraham Lincoln, to thank the men for their prompt response to the call for troops. Imagine the scene, Companions—here were a lot of sturdy young fellows, suddenly called upon to don the uniform of soldiers, many of whom had never been out of sight of the mountains of their state, spread out upon the hard marble floors of the Capitol of the Nation, in an effort to secure some rest from the fatiguing journey just completed, when every man is brought to his feet by the announcement of the presence of the one man in the United States each one most desired to see—the honored Chieftain of the Nation, Abraham Lincoln. Profound silence for a moment resulted, broken by the hand clapping and cheers of the tired volunteers. Yes, here, towering over all in the room, was the great central figure of the war. I remember how I was impressed by the kindliness of his face and awkward hanging of his arms and legs, his apparent bashfulness in the presence of these first soldiers of the Republic, and with it all a grave, rather mournful bearing in his attitude. Accompanying the President, in fact his guide and inspirer of the visit, was our own State's great citizen, Simon Cameron, Secretary of War. He was highly elated and proud to introduce Mr. Lincoln to the soldier boys of his own Commonwealth, who had outstripped all others in reaching the Capital. The President's words were few, but earnest and impressive; he welcomed them most heartily and expressed his great relief and satisfaction at their presence. He then passed along the ranks shaking the hand of each and every one of the men, retiring quietly to visit others of the command. A kind of awe seemed to come over the boys, and many for the first time realized the peril brought upon the Nation—the close contact with the man at the nelm was more than the satisfaction of personal curiosity, it was a kind of baptism of responsibilities, heretofore unheeded, a revelation of a state of profound seriousness in the solving of which each one listening to the great leader's words, felt personally called upon to do his best. The man's presence, his simple charming manner, his plain earnest words, in fact his whole attitude, took away all feeling of a three months' picnic and stamped the movement with a gravity befitting the beginning of a great strife.


Lincoln At Antietam

The sanguinary battle of Antietam had been fought, and the 9th Army Corps was encamped about the Antietam Iron Works, near the junction of the creek with the Potomac River. The President of ,the United States was to review McClellan's Command, and great were the preparations therefor. The President desired to visit each camp and it was noised about that he was coming. I remember well that ride through our camp—we were alongside of the 4th U. S. Battery, and here between the two camps came a long array of mounted officers and orderlies, conspicuous amidst which was the long, lank form of Mr. Lincoln, clad in sombre black, a tall beaver hat, with a broad band of crepe around it, covering his head. It was querried then, and we never found out why, that the President should have been given so small a horse to ride, his legs almost touched the ground, and riding beside so majestic a figure as General Burnside and other officers of high rank, our worthy President d,id not present a very dignified appearance. It is no wonder that a red headed
Irishman of the 4th U. S. Artillery, hastily summoned from his tent on the announcement of the approach of the President, should have given vent to his disgust, when he saw this uncouth figure ambling along on the diminutive beast, by the utterance of two words unfit to write, and drop back into his shelter. Eighteen months of care and worry had left its .impress upon the good man's countenance. There was no mirthful twinkle in the eye and heavy lines marked the wasted features of his face. The ride and all he saw may have been interesting to Mr. Lincoln, but no outward sign was visible in the look we had of him as he passed slowly on.
In the Spring of 1864, the 9th Army Corps rendezvoused at Annapolis, Md., where a reorganization took place by reason of the veteranizing of the regiments in the command. The time came for its return to the Army of the Potomac, and on the 24th of April, 1864, the march to Washington began.
The Corps had four divisions, a division of eight large regiments of colored troops having been added to it during its recruiting stay at Annapolis, so the movement of so great a body of troops, the commands fully recruited to their maximum strength, attracted much attention around Washington, and its passage through the city was to be an event of no small importance. It became known that the President himself would review the Corps as it passed through. This caused the men to burnish up their arms and accoutrements and give themselves as fine an appearance as possible. The long and tiresome march through the city on the 25th of April tested the endurance of the command to the uttermost, and many a pair of sore feet resulted therefrom. We entered the city at New York Avenue and thence on to Fourteenth Street, adown which we wended our way over the Long Bridge into Virginia once more. On a portico on the second story of the Fourteenth Street side of the old Willard Hotel stood President Lincoln beside Major-General Burnside, the idol of the 9th Corps. I shall never forget the appearance of the President, he was much changed—three years of war had left its trace across his face. He was, if possible, thinner than ever, and stood a gaunt figure, whose raiment of black hung loosely about his bony shoulders and arms, whilst his countenance was shrunken and pale as death itself. His eyes were lustreless, and whilst apparently observing the moving troops below, they seemed not to see. It looked as though a corpse was propped up on the balcony instead of a solid flesh and blood man. The contrast between the commanding figure of Burnside was most marked, and as we gazed at the two men, sympathy profound welded forth to the great man bearing the burden of a Nation in the throes of war. It was my last look at the martyred President, and I am sure he was no ghastlier in his coffin.

Working On The "SIX" The F-106 In The 83rd F.I.S.

WORKING ON THE F-106 / 83RD FIGHTER INTERCEPTOR SQUADRON 1972
Sgt. J. Stuart Richards




On November 1, 1971 my tour of duty in Vietnam was over. After spending 12 months working on one of the best aircraft ever made, the C7A Caribou I returned home and took a 30 day leave. Got to meet my daughter for the first time, she was born 5 months before I left Vietnam. I took a long over due rest back home in Pottsville. In late November I reported to my next duty station, Loring A.F.B., Maine, A big SAC (Strategic Air Command) base located near Presque Isle, Maine. Actually right near Limestone, Maine. . Loring was the home of the 42nd Bomb Wing that flew B-52’s and KC-135’s. I was assigned to one of the tenant units on the base, the 83rd Fighter Interceptor Squadron ADC (Air Defense Command) flying the famed F-106 “Delta Dart”. I was assigned to the FM, (Field Maintenance) Electric Shop. The 83rd was a reactivated unit beginning on 1 Jul 1971 by redesignation of 27th Fighter-Interceptor Squadron personnel and equipment. The squadron was inactivated on 30 June 1972, twenty one days after I was discharged.

The interesting aspect of this assignment for me was the fact that I had never worked on any type of fighter aircraft. My past 3 years as an aircraft electrician I worked on reciprocating engine aircraft, C-124, C-118, C-131 and a full year working on the C-7A Caribou in Vietnam. The only jet experience I had was minimal working on the C-141 at Maguire AFB prior to going to Vietnam. Another fun thing for me was coming home from Vietnam in November. In Vietnam the temperature ranged from 120 degrees in the summer to a cool 85 in the winter, and now being assigned to the far northeast of the U.S. where the temperature in November is a warm 20 degrees and in those wonderful winter months down to a -30. A real pleasure assignment.
]


The 83rd F.I.S. was activated from the original 27th F.I.S. The 27th was transferred to Loring Air Force Base, Maine, in October 1959, where it assumed an air defense role flying F-106 Delta Darts in the Bangor Air Defense Sector. The redesignated 27th Tactical Fighter Squadron was assigned to MacDill Air Force Base, Florida, July 2, 1971, as part of the reorganized 1st Tactical Fighter Wing. Although it left behind all of its F-106’s and turned them over to the 83rd F.I.S.
Unfortunately my time working on the Six was short lived. I would have liked to work more on the aircraft, but my discharge came along, and I wanted to get out. Actually I got an early out. Being assigned to the Air Defense Command was one of the best assignments in the Air Force. While stationed at Loring we had in the squadron a total of twenty F-106’s, eighteen ( A ) models and two (B) models. The aircraft where all 57/58/59 models. We also had one T bird, or T-33 that was used for training. T-33s were assigned to USAF F-101 Voodoo, F-102 Delta Dagger and F-106 Delta Dart units, to include similarly equipped Air National Guard units, of the Air Defense Command as proficiency trainers and practice "bogey" aircraft.

The Six was the main aircraft used by the United States during the 'Cold War'. It was used in air defense against Soviet bombers; the F-106 was an interceptor not really a fighter. To me the F-106 is a beautiful aircraft; it looked like it was built for speed. The Six is now fully retired from service but it will always take with it the notoriety of holding the fastest single engine jet aircraft speed record. It could fly at Mach 2.5+. In December of 1956 the initial prototype F106A first flew from Edwards Flight Test Center, coming close to the US Air Force requirements of Mach 1.9 and an operational ceiling of 57,000 feet. The Six was an extremely deadly interceptor; its weapons system was state of the art for the time period. This system called the MA-1 airborne fire control system comprised sophisticated navigation and fire control electronics.


it was an extremely deadly and effective weapons system that any hostile airspace intruder had reason to fear. The heart of its deadliness was the advanced MA-1 airborne fire control system, developed by Hughes Aircraft and based upon the earlier F102A MG-10 system. Comprised of over 2512 pounds of navigational and fire control electronics, the MA-1 system's 200 separate black boxes full of ‘hollow state devices’ (vacuum tubes) formed a very formidable all-weather, fully automatic weapons suite for its time. While technologically out of date by today's state of the art aircraft guidance and control systems, the MA-1 system nevertheless represented the peak of aerial targeting and fire control systems of the time period.
The Six entered operational service in May 1959, with the 498th FIS at Geiger , AFB, Washington. Many changes would take place with this aircraft over a period of years, and by the time I got my hands on one most of the changes were completed.

Escorting a TU-95 Bear

The mission of the Six was to intercept enemy bomber fleets approaching the U.S. and destroy them. The standard interception armament consisted of a combination of AIR-2A or AIR-2G Genie Nuclear Rockets, AIM4E/4F Super Falcon radar guided missiles, AIM-4G Super Falcon infrared seeking missiles. Fortunately there was never a need to fire the Genie at any Soviet TU-95 bear fleets. There are a few pictures of the Six flying along with the Soviet Bear Bombers that flew down from Iceland and down the North east corridor on their way to Cuba.



At Loring we always had two aircraft on Alert, they were armed with Genie’s and falcon missiles. Working in the alert barn on the alert aircraft was always interesting. While working on any aircraft that was armed the pilot had to be onboard the aircraft while any maintenance was performed. Actually the pilots would loosen any panels in the cockpit that needed to be opened. I can remember standing on the ladder telling the pilot to open this and that panel, while he used my screw driver. It was very confined for the pilot to try and do this type of work. The alert barn was a unique place to work. Often times I would look at the aircraft sitting there ready to roll out at a moments notice and marvel at the fire power this aircraft had. On alert, the Six was capable of a quick cold start, and scramble times of as little as 2 & 3/4ths minutes from initial alert to take off were routinely recorded during its time with ADC.

Once in the cockpit, the pilot was in full control, he began the engine start sequence by depressing a button on the throttle. Sitting on the forward top part of the throttle was a little black button, that I was very familiar with, changing one of these was quite the bear. The ignition and starter circuits are electrically interconnected. The electrical sequence for starting consisted of moving the throttle outboard to the start detent. This sent DC electrical power to the starter. While continuing to hold the ignition button depressed and moving the throttle inboard would now supply ignition to the engine. The ignition system is energized only during engine starting, as combustion is continuous once the engine starts. Advancing the throttle to IDLE position supplies fuel to the combustion chambers and lights the engine off. At idle speed setting the aircraft was disconnected from ground power. As soon as the electrics were on line and the radar was configured, the aircraft was ready to taxi, after a ‘last chance’ look-over from the ground crew on the saftey check area before entering the active runway. Once the final look over by the crew the six was ready to go.

throttle and console left side
We also had about six ready pods for the aircraft on the flight line if my memory holds. The ready pods were for aircraft that were cocked and ready to fly for training missions or other types of flights. The bad part about ready pods were they were just open area with a triangle shaped cover over top of the aircraft. The wind just blew through them and made things very miserable while working on the aircraft. I can still see the poor APE’s (Air Police) guards who walked the ramp in their heavy parkers and muckaluks armed with M-16 and looking like they were freezing to death, while I was sitting in the cockpit working on a problem with the portable heater blowing hot air into the aircraft, cozy to say the least when the temperature is about 20 below out side. Wow! What a crappy job being an Air Policeman Ramp Tramp had to be. I can remember riding the launch truck and hoping that nothing would go wrong electrically on the aircraft. I did not want to get out in the cold and have to work on the aircraft.



Almost all of the equipment I worked on in the six was somewhere around the outside of the aircraft ,including the engine area the engine and all the other componets were in the wheel wells, missile bay or in a panel that had to be accessed from the outside. If it was a generator or csd (constant speed drive) problem and the generator or csd had to be changed the jet mechanics had to pull the engine. In reality the electrical system on the six was controlled by a single ac generator. The main ac generator is driven by the engine through a CSD unit. AC electrical power was supplied by a 115 volt main ac generator. There was also an emergency ac generator that supplied power to the essential ac bus only. If the main generator fails the emergency generator starts automatically. The main switch for the generator was located on the right console, marked GEN, OFF, ON , TEST. The TEST position provides a test for the generator but does not connect it to the bus. A 200 amp transformer rectifier unit converts a portion of the generator output to dc power. There was also an emergency 50 amp TR a dc back up source in case the 200 amp TR failed. The six also had a 22 amp hour battery for emergency power.

On the left console is the master electrical switch. This switch is guarded and turning this switch on powers up all the buses. When the switch is on it connects the battery to the dc essential bus, then the generator can be energized. With the switch in the off position the generators are disconnected from the buses. Well actually that switch sets everything into motion, generator, inverters, voltage regulators etc. around the aircraft. One thing that had to be remembered when working on this bird is if the external power is connected it takes precedence over aircraft power. While external power is on the aircraft ac generator can be energized but not connected to the aircraft buses. The battery was charged by a small charger that was located in the nose wheel well and it got its power from the ac nonessential bus. Overall working on the aircrafts electrical systems was not that hard, the biggest problem associated with the electrical system was the failure of a generator or TR unit and the associated wiring which in some places was getting quite old. Systems that were necessary for flight were all on the essential bus and systems not critical to flight were on the dc nonessential bus.

F-106B MODEL DOUBLE THE MAINTENACE FOR THE ELECTRICIAN!
What I remember most about working on the six was the constant problems associated with the master warning light panel that was located at the forward end of the right console. We seemed to have a lot of problems with the warning systems. And the little indicator lights on the panel. Actually there were 24 small warning lights on the panel. Another system that the aircraft electrician takes care of is the master fire warning system. Any abnormally high temperature in the engine compartment is indicated by a red fire warning light located on the instrument panel. When it is illuminated steady it indicates FIRE, which no pilot wants to see! When it is flashing the light indicates that only one detector loop has been affected. The problem with the loop system is the loop sometimes rubs on parts of the aircraft wearing through the wire and causing a high resistance, or shorting out completely which will give a false fire indication. Troubleshooting this system can sometimes be very difficult.

Being an aircraft electrician puts you in the fore front of aircraft maintenance; actually almost every system is run by electricity, provided by a generator, Transformer rectifier, inverter, battery or external power. We as aircraft electricians supplied this power to all the avionics, MA-1 systems; we worked closely with the hydraulic mechanics and the jet mechanics, actually working with the jet mechanics can sometimes be very trying. To change a generator out on the flight line requires the jet mechs to pull the engine, they in turn will remove the generator and re install a new one, my job as simple as this sounds was to hook up the leads on the generator, after the engine is re installed, unfortunately for me on one occasion, a very cold day out on the flight line, I had the Jet mechs pull the engine and replace the generator, after they went through the whole process of installing the engine and hooking up all their lines, fuel, hydraulic etc. I was in the process of hooking up the electrical leads, when I happened to torque down one lead a little too much and broke it completely off the terminal stud. Need I say more! The mechanics had to un hook and re pull the engine so they could change the generator once again, they were not happy, and I stayed away from them as long as I could. Actually I think there was some vile comments only a cold and un happy jet mechanic could say while I was hooking up the new generator. If I remember right I just put on my sound suppression head set so I couldn’t hear them.

The last job I did on the six was to install what was called a TCTO, (Time Compliance Tech Order). This was to install a switch on the canopy rail mechanism and an idiot light, (what we called all warning lights in aircraft) on the front panel to indicate to the pilot that the canopy was un locked! I guess some pilots were not locking the canopy prior to take off and as they went into AB down the runway the canopy was opening up.

Some of the other things I remember about working on this aging beauty at the time was A lot of work on the landing gear up and down lock switches, the nose wheel steering electrical circuit was a real bumer to work on. Power to the solenoids on the missile rails. We had a lot of problems with the landing lights and formation lights. The landing lights were on the gear doors, and the wiring was old and sometimes frayed and had a tendency to short out from the movement of the gear doors and the slop and water that could be thrown up inside the wheel wells would cause problems.


TRY FITTING YOURSELF UNDER THE INSTRUMENT PANEL

After a few years of working on large cargo aircraft where a lot of the electrical components and systems are easily accessible. On the other hand when I started working on the six it seemed like everything electrical that needed repair was in the cockpit and was under the instrument panel, or in the cramped side consoles. If the ejection seat was removed it wasn’t too bad, but if the seat was in you had to lie on your back upside down and on the floor and squeeze between the control stick and the TSD and try to work from that position. Oh yea, the EJECTION seat, cargo aircraft never had ejection seats, so any time you worked on a six with the seat in you had to remember to check the pins and make sure they were all in place so the seat wouldn’t eject on the ground…not good for the mechanic! I absolutely hated to work on the throttle quadrant and the little switches that comprised the different settings, I hated anything like that. I can remember setting the voltage regulator while the aircraft was running, if you want to talk about noise, stand beside a J-75 when its running.
We also had a larger hanger that comprised all of the maintenance shops, electric, instruments, radio, Avionics, MA-1, hydraulic, jet, and crew chiefs APG, etc in this hanger we performed all of the Periodic maintenance to check major components and major phase maintenance or routine repair jobs.

I worked with some really great guys in the 83rd, there was one particular crew chief that was amazing, and I don’t think he was ever cold, as you would see him out on the flight line in just his fatigue shirt in some of the coldest of times. The pilots were all great guys, seems to me they were mostly Lieutenants and Captains. In my shop (the Electric) were some really good electricians, a lot of these guys had worked in ADC for a long time and had a lot of experience on the Six, so I learned a lot from them. As bad as the weather was in Maine, (172 inches of snow on the ground that year) I still enjoyed working on the “SIX”. And was proud to be part of the old Air Defense Commands 83rd Fighter Interceptor Squadron.




NEWSPAPER ARTICLES ABOUT THE DEACTIVATION OF THE 83RD F.I.S.

THE LONE DOUGHBOY GRAVE..WILLIAM J. MONTALTO

Well, how do you do, Corporal William Montalto,
Do you mind if I sit down here by your graveside?
And rest for awhile in the warm summer sun,
I've been walking all day, and I'm nearly done.
And I see by your gravestone you were only 19
When you joined the glorious fallen in 1918

Words from the Song "Green Fields Of France" with a slight change.



THE DOUGHBOY GRAVE

William J. Mountalto 2nd Division 9th Infantry Regt. Killed in Action July 18, 1918
On the upper hill of St. Mary’s cemetery in Arnot’s Addition stands a lone statue of a World War 1 doughboy. This memorial honors a local hero from St. Clair who died while serving his country in World War 1. The statue honors Corporal William J. Montalto, a member of the 2nd Division, 9th Infantry Regiment, Company E. Who was killed in action on July 18th , 1918.



Unlike the more active soldier memorial figures this statue depicts the doughboy in the position of “Order Arms”. A position in the military manual of arms in which the rifle is held vertically next to the right leg with its butt resting on the ground. The statue stands at attention forever marking the heroism of one of Schuylkill County’s fallen.



It is a shame that I can’t find much on Corp. Montalto in our files at the Historical Society. I will continue to research him so that his story can be completed and he can be written back into history properly. What I did find came from the records of the 9th Infantry regiment n the day he was killed.



The derivation of the term doughboy remains in question. It was first used by the British in the late 18th and early 19th centuries to describe soldiers and sailors. In the United States the nickname was coined during the Mexican-American War (1846–1848), and was widely popularized during World War I (1914–1918) to refer to infantrymen. After the war, in which Americans saw combat in 1917-18, numerous communities commissioned doughboy statues to honor the local war heroes. This is the only statue of a Doughboy I’ve seen that marks the grave of one individual soldier. I think this is the finest monument in all of the Schuylkill County cemeteries that memorializes the common soldier.



Over time the monument has suffered from the effects of acid rain and general weathering.



Corporal Montalto was killed during the 2nd Battle of The Marne. The Second Battle of the Marne marked the turning of the tide in World War I. It began with the last German offensive of the conflict and was quickly followed by the first allied offensive victory of 1918. The American Expeditionary Force with over 250,000 men fighting under overall French command played key roles both in the initial defense and the later advances. In the Second Battle of Marne with 30,000 killed and wounded, the United States started suffering casualties on the enormous scale usually associated with the battles of the Great War.



On the day Corporal Montalto was killed July 18th ,1918 the 9th Infantry was engaged in the Allied counterattack that involved attacking the entire west face of the Marne salient. This main attack was first to pivot on Chateau-Thierry; later the Allies in the region of Chateau-Thierry were to take up the attack. The Allies were also to attack that part of the German salient south of the Marne and to the southwest of Reims. The plan then really involved attacking the entire Marne salient, the principal blow falling at first on the west face, with the critical point, at which eventual success or failure would be determined, southwest of Soissons. The three divisions selected to break the most sensitive part of the German line were the 2nd American, the 1st Moroccan (French) and the 1st American. If these three divisions could seize and hold the heights south of Soissons the German position in the salient proper became untenable and it's ultimate reduction was assured.






At 4:35a.m., July 18th, after some of the American infantry had double-timed into line and when some of their guns had barely gotten into position, the 1st and 2nd American Divisions and the 1st Moroccan Division jumped off. Notwithstanding their desperate resistance the Germans were driven back and the results upon which ultimate success depended were secured.

the 2nd Division attacked on the other side of the Moroccans. It did not have the advantage which the other divisions of the corps possessed in being able to make reconnaissance Difficulties and bring the assault troops into position in Division" an orderly way. Only by the most unusual exertion did the front line units manage to arrive in time to participate in the attack. All during the night great confusion reigned among the troops. The traffic congestion compelled the infantry to follow the ditches which paralleled the trails, thus stringing out the columns and causing both the intermingling of units and straggling. Men cursed as they toiled on. Others too weary to march farther, threw themselves upon the ground, from which they were urged to their feet with difficulty. Teamsters cracked their whips and shouted; tanks panted over the greasy routes and crushed their way forward; light and heavy guns stalled in the mud or became entangled in the thickets, sweating teams laboring at the traces. Staff cars, trucks, and motor-cycles innumerable added to the difficulties of the men.

Not withstanding all this, however, the 1st Battalion, 9th Infantry, relieved the front line battalion of the 48th French Infantry before midnight and attacked in good order at H-hour. The leading element of the 5th Marines on the left, and of First Division" the 23rd Infantry on the right, were deploying as the barrage fell. But the machine-gun battalions and companies, and the 37mm. and Stokes mortar platoons with their transport, were inextricably involved in the traffic congestion in the rear, and failed to arrive in time to accompany the infantry. The assault was made with the musket and bayonet supported by the artillery.

The troops advanced over ground which rose gently from the line of departure toward the northeast. Wheat-fields stretched as far as the eye could see, with lurking machine gunners carefully concealed in the tall grain. In the center of the sector, a kilometer or more in advance of the first objective, a group of strongly fortified buildings stood as an outpost at Verte Feuille Farm. Beyond this formidable obstacle was the stronger post of Beaurepaire Farm, marking the line of the first objective itself. Here, advancing with a rush, the 2nd Battalion, 9th Infantry, reached the objective within fifteen minutes, and the 3rd Battalion of the same regiment followed in close support. The 2nd Battalion, 23rd Infantry, soon arrived on the right, followed closely by the 3rd Battalion, both of them having been misdirected by the French guides in getting into position.



Along this line is the probable place were Corporal William J. Montalto fell. He was listed as missing in action on this day, and later confirmed that he was Killed in Action.
Thus the 18th of July closed with the Twentieth Corps established throughout its entire length upon the line of its final objective for the day. So far as it was concerned, the first day of the offensive had been a successful one in every respect. The two American divisions advancing ahead of the French divisions on their exterior flanks, and at no time in rear of the Moroccans in the center, had driven a marked salient into the enemy's line, which had been everywhere forced back. The 1st U. S. Division had functioned like clockwork. The 2nd U. S. Division, though laboring from the start under enormous disadvantages and suffering from considerable confusion, had maintained its schedule in the advance. The Moroccans had lived up to their reputation.

The 2nd Division advanced 8 kilometers in the first 26 hours, took about 3,000 prisoners, 2 batteries of 150mm guns, 66 light guns and 15,000 rounds of 77 mm ammunition, besides much other property. This Division suffered some 4,000 casualties and, as it had made exhausting marches to reach the battlefield, and having recently been withdrawn from it's desperate fighting at Chateau-Thierry, the Division was relieved after the second day.